The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany第三帝國的興亡 英文原版 [平裝] pdf epub mobi txt 電子書 下載 2025

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☆☆☆☆☆

William L. Shirer 著

圖書標籤:

• Nazi Germany
• World War II
• History
• European History
• Political History
• 20th Century History
• Third Reich
• Hitler
• Germany
• Holocaust

齣版社： Simon & Schuster

ISBN：9781451651683

商品編碼：19028787

包裝：平裝

齣版時間：1990-11-15

用紙：膠版紙

頁數：1249

正文語種：英文

商品尺寸：23.6x15.5x5.8cm;1.396kg

內容簡介

Before the Nazies could destroy the files, famed foreign correspondent and historian William L. Shirer sifted through the massive self-documentation of the Third Reich, to create a monumental study that has been widely acclaimed as the definitive record of one of the most frightening chapters in the history of mankind--now in a special 30th anniversary edition."One of the most important works of history of our time."THE NEW YORK TIMES

　　阿道夫·希特勒也許是屬於亞曆山大、愷撒、拿破侖這一傳統的大冒險傢兼徵服者中最後的一個，第三帝國也許是走上以前法國、羅馬帝國、馬其頓所走過的道路的帝國中最後的一個。那段已經閉幕瞭的曆史，至今依然在人類的心靈中震顫。　　本書是全世界最暢銷的反映納粹德國曆史的巨著它精彩絕倫地記述瞭被希特勒稱為"乾鞦帝圍"而實際上隻存在瞭1 2年零4個月的第三帝國從興起到覆滅的全部過程。以其大量的、真實的資料成為論述納粹德國最具權威的作品，是希特勒納粹德國令人顫栗的故事最傑齣的研究成果。　　本書是全世界最暢銷的反映納粹德國曆史的巨著它精彩絕倫地記述瞭被希特勒稱為“乾鞦帝國”而實際上隻存在瞭12年零4個月的第三帝國從興起到覆滅的全部過程。在短短的12年中；不可一世的第三帝國在人類曆史上製造瞭慘絕人寰的災難．留下瞭一段驚心動魄的曆史。隨著第三帝國的迅速崩潰，人們繳獲瞭大暈秘密文件、私人日記、發言記錄以及納粹黨領導人的電話錄音，德國外交部485噸檔案當時就存放在美軍的倉庫裏，於是一個極端獨裁政權的全部秘密和罪惡活動就在它覆滅的同時全部公之於世瞭這就是本書大量的真實的資料來源。

作者簡介

　　威廉·夏伊勒（William L．shirer）,生於美國芝加哥，是著名的駐外特派記者、新聞分析員與世界現代史學傢。他為哥倫比亞廣播公司擔任戰地記者期間，報道瞭許多有關納粹德國從柏林興起到滅亡的經過。本書最初於1 959年齣版．剛一麵世就立即轟動瞭整個世界。英國著名曆史學傢特雷弗·羅珀在《紐約時報》上稱贊他是將“活著的證人能夠與史實結為一體”的非凡傑齣的曆史學傢。他還著有《柏林日記》（1941年）、《第三共和國的崩潰》（1969年）和關於歐洲政治，斯堪的納維亞的書及三本小說。

精彩書評

"One of the most important works of history of our time."
-Orville Prescott The New York Times

"The New York Times Book Review A splendid work of scholarship, objective in method, sound in judgment, inescapable in its conclusions."
--Hugh Trevor-Roper

"A monumental work, a grisly and thrilling story."
--Theodore H. White

精彩書摘

Chapter 1
BIRTH OF THE THIRD REICH
On the very eve of the birth of the Third Reich a feverish tension gripped Berlin. The Weimar Republic, it seemed obvious to almost everyonse, was about to expire. For more than a year it had been fast crumbling. General Kurt von Schleicher, who like his immediate predecessor, Franz von Papen, cared little for the Republic and less for its democracy, and who, also like him, had ruled as Chancellor by presidential decree without recourse to Parliament, had come to the end of his rope after fifty-seven days in office.
On Saturday, January 28, 1933, he had been abruptly dismissed by the aging President of the Republic, Field Marshal von Hindenburg. Adolf Hitler, leader of the National Socialists, the largest political party in Germany, was demanding for himself the chancellorship of the democratic Republic he had sworn to destroy.
The wildest rumors of what might happen were rife in the capital that fateful winter weekend, and the most alarming of them, as it happened, were not without some foundation. There were reports that Schleicher, in collusion with General Kurt von Hammerstein, the Commander in Chief of the Army, was preparing a putsch with the support of the Potsdam garrison for the purpose of arresting the President and establishing a military dictatorship. There was talk of a Nazi putsch. The Berlin storm troopers, aided by Nazi sympathizers in the police, were to seize the Wilhelmstrasse, where the President's Palace and most of the government ministries were located. There was talk also of a general strike. On Sunday, January 29, a hundred thousand workers crowded into the Lustgarten in the center of Berlin to demonstrate their opposition to making Hitler Chancellor. One of their leaders attempted to get in touch with General von Hammerstein to propose joint action by the Army and organized labor should Hitler be named to head a new government. Once before, at the time of the Kapp putsch in 1920, a general strike had saved the Republic after the government had fled the capital.
Throughout most of the night from Sunday to Monday Hitler paced up and down his room in the Kaiserhof hotel on the Reichskanzlerplatz, just down the street from the Chancellery. Despite his nervousness he was supremely confident that his hour had struck. For nearly a month he had been secretly negotiating with Papen and the other leaders of the conservative Right. He had had to compromise. He could not have a purely Nazi government. But he could be Chancellor of a coalition government whose members, eight out of eleven of whom were not Nazis, agreed with him on the abolition of the democratic Weimar regime. Only the aged, dour President had seemed to stand in his way. As recently as January 26, two days before the advent of this crucial weekend, the grizzly old Field Marshal had told General von Hammerstein that he had "no intention whatsoever of making that Austrian corporal either Minister of Defense or Chancellor of the Reich."
Yet under the influence of his son, Major Oskar von Hindenburg, of Otto von Meissner, the State Secretary to the President, of Papen and other members of the palace camarilla, the President was finally weakening. He was eighty-six and fading into senility. On the afternoon of Sunday, January 29, while Hitler was having coffee and cakes with Goebbels and other aides, Hermann Goering, President of the Reichstag and second to Hitler in the Nazi Party, burst in and informed them categorically that on the morrow Hitler would be named Chancellor.
Shortly before noon on Monday, January 30, 1933, Hitler drove over to the Chancellery for an interview with Hindenburg that was to prove fateful for himself, for Germany and for the rest of the world. From a window in the Kaiserhof, Goebbels, Roehm and other Nazi chiefs kept an anxious watch on the door of the Chancellery, where the Fuehrer would shortly be coming out. "We would see from his face whether he had succeeded or not," Goebbels noted. For even then they were not quite sure. "Our hearts are torn back and forth between doubt, hope, joy and discouragement," Goebbels jotted down in his diary. "We have been disappointed too often for us to believe wholeheartedly in the great miracle."
A few moments later they witnessed the miracle. The man with the Charlie Chaplin mustache, who had been a down-and-out tramp in Vienna in his youth, an unknown soldier of World War 1, a derelict in Munich in the first grim postwar days, the somewhat comical leader of the Beer Hall Putsch, this spellbinder who was not even German but Austrian, and who was only forty-three years old, had just been administered the oath as Chancellor of the German Reich.
He drove the hundred yards to the Kaiserhof and was soon with his old cronies, Goebbels, Goering, Roehm and the other Brownshirts who had helped him along the rocky, brawling path to power. "He says nothing, and all of us say nothing," Goebbels recorded, "but his eyes are full of tears."
That evening from dusk until far past midnight the delirious Nazi storm troopers marched in a massive torchlight parade to celebrate the victory. By the tens of thousands, they emerged in disciplined columns from the depths of the Tiergarten, passed under the triumphal arch of the Brandenburg Gate and down the Wilhelmstrasse, their bands blaring the old martial airs to the thunderous beating of the drums, their voices bawling the new Horst Wessel song and other tunes that were as old as Germany, their jack boots beating a mighty rhythm on the pavement, their torches held high find forming a ribbon of flame that illuminated the night and kindled the hurrahs of the onlookers massed on the sidewalks. From a window in the palace Hindenburg looked down upon the marching throng, beating time to the military marches with his cane, apparently pleased that at last he had picked a Chancellor who could arouse the people in a traditionally German way. Whether the old man, in his dotage, had any inkling of what he had unleashed that day is doubtful. A story, probably apocryphal, soon spread over Berlin that in the midst of the parade he had turned to an old general and said, "I didn't know we had taken so many Russian prisoners."
A stone's throw down the Wilhelmstrasse Adolf Hitler stood at an open window of the Chancellery, beside himself with excitement and joy, dancing up and down, jerking his arm up continually in the Nazi salute, smiling and laughing until his eyes were again full of tears.
One foreign observer watched the proceedings that evening with different feelings. "The river of fire flowed past the French Embassy," André François-Poncet, the ambassador, wrote, "whence, with heavy heart and filled with foreboding, I watched its luminous wake."
Tired but happy, Goebbels arrived home that night at 3 A.M. Scribbling in his diary before retiring, he wrote: "It is almost like a dream...a fairy tale...The new Reich has been born. Fourteen years of work have been crowned with victory. The German revolution has begun!"
The Third Reich which was born on January 30, 1933, Hitler boasted, would endure for a thousand years, and in Nazi parlance it was often referred to as the "Thousand-Year Reich." It lasted twelve years and four months, but in that flicker of time, as history goes, it caused an eruption on this earth more violent and shattering than any previously experienced, raising the German people to heights of power they had not known in more than a millennium, making them at one time the masters of Europe from the Atlantic to the Volga, from the North Cape to the Mediterranean, and then plunging them to the depths of destruction and desolation at the end of a world war which their nation had cold-bloodedly provoked and during which it instituted a reign of terror over the conquered peoples which, in its calculated butchery of human life and the human spirit, out-did all the savage oppressions of the previous ages.
The man who founded the Third Reich, who ruled it ruthlessly and often with uncommon shrewdness, who led it to such dizzy heights and to such a sorry end, was a person of undoubted, if evil, genius. It is true that he found in the German people, as a mysterious Providence and centuries of experience had molded them up to that time, a natural instrument which he was able to shape to his own sinister ends. But without Adolf Hitler, who was possessed of a demonic personality, a granite will, uncanny instincts, a cold ruthlessness, a remarkable intellect, a soaring imagination and -- until toward the end, when, drunk with power and success, he overreached himself -- an amazing capacity to size up people and situations, there almost certainly would never have been a Third Reich.
"It is one of the great examples," as Friedrich Meinecke, the eminent German historian, said, "of the singular and incalculable power of personality in historical life."
To some Germans and, no doubt, to most foreigners it appeared that a charlatan had come to power in Berlin. To the majority of Germ...

前言/序言

曆史的重負與文明的抉擇：一部審視二十世紀中期歐洲政治與社會轉型的宏大敘事 本書並非聚焦於單一國傢或特定意識形態的興衰，而是一部深刻剖析二十世紀中期歐洲，特彆是中歐和東歐地區，在劇烈社會、經濟與思想變革浪潮中，不同政治力量如何崛起、角力，並最終塑造齣現代歐洲版圖的復雜曆史畫捲。它以宏闊的視野，將目光投嚮瞭兩次世界大戰之間以及戰後重建的漫長曆程中，那些塑造瞭當代世界秩序的關鍵性事件、人物與結構性矛盾。 第一部分：舊秩序的瓦解與新思想的萌芽（1900-1929） 本捲深入探討瞭“美好年代”的錶象之下，歐洲帝國體係（如哈布斯堡王朝、奧匈帝國、奧斯曼帝國）內部潛藏的民族主義、工業化帶來的階級對立以及帝國主義擴張的內在張力。我們考察瞭早期現代性危機，即科學理性主義與傳統信仰體係、精英統治與大眾民主訴求之間的衝突。 帝國邊緣的躁動： 詳細分析瞭巴爾乾半島、中歐次級民族國傢的早期政治光譜，考察瞭泛斯拉夫主義、泛德意誌主義以及區域民族主義的交織影響。這些地區在現代化進程中的滯後與不平衡，為後來的動蕩埋下瞭伏筆。 思想的激進轉嚮： 探討瞭尼采、柏格森等思想傢對傳統形而上學的衝擊，以及新心理學、社會學對個體和社會結構理解的顛覆。重點考察瞭社會主義、自由主義、以及早期保守主義思潮在知識分子群體中的傳播與變異。 第一次世界大戰的深層根源： 拒絕將戰爭歸咎於單一的事件或外交失誤，而是將其視為一個世紀以來地緣政治競爭、軍事化思維定勢和經濟殖民擴張的必然總爆發。書中對協約國與同盟國在戰爭動員、後勤保障及宣傳戰中的差異進行瞭細緻對比。 第二部分：戰後的破碎與激進主義的試驗場（1919-1933） 戰後歐洲迎來瞭“威爾遜時代”的短暫希望，隨後便是普遍的幻滅。這一時期是激進主義思想付諸實踐的試驗田，也是民主製度在麵對經濟蕭條和政治極端化時顯露脆弱性的關鍵階段。 凡爾賽體係的內在缺陷： 分析瞭新成立的民族國傢邊界劃分、巨額戰爭賠款、以及“集體安全”機製（國際聯盟）的結構性無力。特彆關注瞭中歐和東歐新生的共和製國傢，它們在經濟基礎薄弱和政治派係林立的情況下，如何難以維持穩定的憲政體製。 革命的浪潮與反革命的應對： 梳理瞭蘇維埃俄國革命對整個歐洲政治生態的深遠影響。在西歐，工人運動和激進左翼力量的崛起引發瞭中産階級和精英階層的強烈恐懼。書中詳細對比瞭意大利的“紅色兩年”和德國的斯巴達剋團起義，以及保守勢力如何利用這種恐懼進行組織和反撲。 經濟危機的先兆與社會斷裂： 考察瞭戰後初期的惡性通貨膨脹對社會信用的毀滅性打擊，以及1920年代後期資本流動帶來的脆弱繁榮。分析瞭農業人口嚮城市遷移與工業部門的結構性失業，如何為民粹主義動員提供瞭廣闊的社會基礎。 第三部分：結構性危機與意識形態的全麵對決（1933-1939） 本書將重點轉嚮三十年代，但這並非單純聚焦於某一個崛起中的極權政權，而是將其置於一個更廣闊的全球性結構危機背景之下。這一時期是意識形態成為決定國傢命運的決定性十年。 極權主義的比較研究： 采取跨國視角，對歐洲不同形式的專製主義、威權主義和極權主義進行細緻辨析。考察瞭它們在組織、宣傳、對知識分子和宗教機構的控製、以及對青年群體的動員策略上的異同。書中著重分析瞭非核心的、在邊緣地區（如南歐、東歐小國）的威權實驗，它們如何相互藉鑒，並在特定曆史條件下被放大。 “新秩序”的經濟邏輯： 分析瞭不同政治體製下國傢對經濟的乾預模式。探討瞭大規模公共工程、工業重組計劃背後的經濟驅動力——無論是為瞭實現社會平等、還是為瞭追求戰爭潛力，還是單純為瞭轉移國內矛盾。 國際關係的“信任赤字”： 審視瞭英法等傳統強國在麵對區域性衝突（如西班牙內戰、埃塞俄比亞危機）時的綏靖政策背後的復雜心理：是對新一輪大規模戰爭的厭倦、對國內經濟問題的優先處理，以及對歐洲大陸力量均衡的錯誤估計。 第四部分：第二次世界大戰的全球性影響與歐洲的重塑（1939-1949） 戰爭的爆發不再是孤立的軍事行動，而是長期積纍的結構性矛盾的總清算。本書將戰爭視為一個加速器，它以前所未有的速度和暴力摧毀瞭舊的社會結構，並為新的世界秩序奠定瞭基礎。 占領下的歐洲社會生態： 細緻描繪瞭被占領地區民間社會、抵抗運動、閤作政府以及占領當局之間的復雜互動。重點分析瞭占領政策如何因地製宜，以及不同社會階層在生存壓力下做齣的道德與政治選擇。 後勤與科技的戰爭： 考察瞭工業動員、石油戰略、密碼戰和新興技術（如雷達、噴氣式飛機）在戰局中的決定性作用，這些技術進步深刻影響瞭戰後的社會生産力。 解放與清算的陣痛： 戰爭結束並非和平的開始。本捲詳述瞭戰後對叛國者、閤作者的審判，以及大規模的人口遷徙、邊界重劃對中東歐數百萬平民生活帶來的顛覆性影響。特彆是對戰後初期的人道主義危機和重建挑戰進行瞭深入討論。 結論：遺産與反思 本書的最終目的，是引導讀者超越對單一“邪惡帝國”的簡單道德批判，轉而理解二十世紀中期歐洲文明在麵對工業化、大眾政治與民族主義三重壓力時所經曆的係統性崩潰與痛苦的重建過程。它是一麵鏡子，映照齣人類社會在危機時刻，製度、領導力和意識形態如何共同作用，決定文明的走嚮。全書基於對多國原始檔案、外交電報、社會調查和私人信件的廣泛研究，力求提供一種多維、審慎且充滿曆史同理心的敘事。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

這本書給人的第一印象是它的份量，它不僅僅是一本書，更像是一段沉甸甸的曆史。從封麵設計上，我能感受到一種曆史的厚重感和某種深邃的氛圍，這種視覺上的衝擊力，往往預示著其內容的深刻和豐富。我喜歡那種能夠讓人沉浸其中、久久不能自拔的書籍，而這本書的氣質，似乎就具備瞭這樣的潛質。我尤其看重書籍的排版和字體，清晰的字體和閤理的排版能夠極大地提升閱讀體驗，讓思緒在字裏行間順暢地流淌。這本書的平裝版本，也顯得很實在，沒有華而不實的包裝，迴歸到內容本身。我期待這本書能夠給我帶來一場關於曆史的深度探索，讓我對那個特殊的時期有更全麵的認知。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

我一直對二戰曆史，尤其是納粹德國的崛起與覆滅深感著迷。這本書的書名就非常有吸引力，直接點明瞭主題，並且“興亡”二字，預示著其內容的完整性和深刻性。我喜歡那些能夠係統性地梳理曆史脈絡的書籍，它們能夠幫助我將零散的曆史碎片整閤成一幅清晰的圖景。我希望這本書能夠帶領我深入瞭解那個時代，從希特勒的崛起，到納粹政權的建立，再到戰爭的爆發，以及最終的崩潰。我相信，這本書的作者一定對這段曆史有著深刻的理解和獨到的見解。我期待在這本書中，能夠看到對那個時代政治、經濟、社會、文化等各個層麵的全麵展現，以及對那些影響深遠的曆史人物的細緻刻畫。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

這本書的裝幀質量令人印象深刻，紙張的觸感很好，印刷清晰，即使在昏暗的光綫下閱讀，文字也顯得十分醒目，不會造成閱讀疲勞。它的尺寸大小適中，便於攜帶，無論是坐在舒適的沙發上，還是在旅途中，都可以隨時打開閱讀。封麵的設計，雖然沒有過多的裝飾，卻透露齣一種沉靜而嚴肅的氣息，仿佛在無聲地訴說著書中所記載的那些沉重的曆史。我特彆看重書籍的細節，例如封麵封底的文字排版，內頁的邊距設計，這些都體現瞭齣版方的用心。我喜歡這種“慢閱讀”的體驗，不求速成，隻求沉浸，而一本製作精良的書，無疑是這種體驗的最佳載體。我相信，這本書的內在品質，與其精美的外在，同樣值得期待。

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我一直對曆史，尤其是那些充滿戲劇性衝突和深刻教訓的時期，抱有濃厚的興趣。這本書的書名《The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany》非常直觀地傳達瞭其核心內容，讓我立刻對它産生瞭探究的欲望。它的篇幅預示著內容的詳實與全麵，我期待在這本書中能夠找到對納粹德國興衰的係統性闡述，而不僅僅是片段式的描述。我偏愛那些能夠深入挖掘曆史細節，剖析復雜原因的書籍，我相信這本厚重的著作能夠滿足我的求知欲。從書的裝幀來看，雖然是平裝，但整體的質感很不錯，封麵設計簡潔有力，傳達齣一種曆史的嚴肅性。我期待這本書能夠為我帶來一段引人入勝的閱讀旅程，讓我更深入地理解那個波瀾壯闊又充滿悲劇色彩的時代。

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從這本書的厚度來看，就足以讓人心生敬畏。我喜歡厚重的書，它帶來的沉甸甸的滿足感，仿佛握住瞭一整個時代。封麵設計簡潔而有力，色調的運用恰到好處，既有曆史的厚重感，又不失某種宿命的壓迫感。拿到書的那一刻，我腦海中就浮現齣許多關於那個時代的曆史畫麵，盡管我還沒有翻開書頁。我期待著在這本書中，能夠找到對那些紛繁復雜的曆史事件的清晰梳理，對那些令人不安的人物動機的深入剖析。這本書的篇幅，或許意味著作者對每一個細節都進行瞭細緻的考量，對每一個轉摺都進行瞭深入的挖掘。我迫不及待地想沉浸在字裏行間，感受曆史的脈搏，理解那些塑造瞭我們所處世界的關鍵時刻。我希望這本書不僅能帶給我知識，更能激發我的思考，讓我對曆史的殘酷與復雜有更深刻的認識。

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The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany

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哇塞好厚的書，拿起瞭不方便的說

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書好厚啊！不過看著怎麼那麼山寨啊

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厚厚的一本

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然而，宗教對於我國的力量似乎還是弱。唯一能凝聚我們這個國傢的，也許隻有“民族“。

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很好，很大很厚一部著作。

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書內容很好，收到時書有摺痕，封麵也不乾淨

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書本很厚，1249頁，本來是買來學習英語的，到手後看瞭下裏麵的內容，好久沒看英語瞭，都快成文盲瞭。我會好好品味這本書，希望看完之後能有意想不到的收獲

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還可以摘抄下你感興趣的詞段。