內容簡介
《意大利文藝復興時期的文化》是一部文化史研究的經典之作。布剋哈特把文藝復興時期(14—16世紀)的意大利視為一個整體,從政治、社會、文學、道德觀念、社交禮儀等多角度闡釋這一時期的意大利人所體現的“人文主義”的近代精神。在他看來,這一精神標誌著文藝復興時期成為告彆中世紀、步入近代世界的關鍵環節。這一巨著對後人理解和認識西方文明史産生瞭深遠的影響。
目錄
導讀
第一編 作為藝術品的國傢
導論
14世紀的僭主政治
15世紀的僭主政治
小僭主
大王朝
僭主政治的反對者
共和國
15世紀的威尼斯
14世紀以來的佛羅倫薩
意大利各國的對外政策
作為藝術品的戰爭
教皇的統治及其危險
音女利的辱圍者
第二編 個體的發展
意大利國與個體
個人的完美化
近代榮譽觀
近代的嘲諷與笑話
第三編 古典文化的復活
引言
羅馬:廢墟之城
古代作傢
14世紀的人文主義
大學和學校
人文主義的促進者
古代的再現:書信體和拉丁文演說
拉丁文的演說辭
用拉丁文寫作的論文和曆史
一般文化的拉丁化
現代拉丁文詩歌
16世紀人文主義者的衰落
第四編 世界的發現與人的發現
意大利人的旅行
意大利的自然科學
自然美的發現
人的發現
詩歌中對精神的描寫
傳記
有關諸民族和諸城邦的描寫
對人外貌的描寫
對生活動態的描寫
第五編 社交與節慶
社會等級的調和
生活外錶的精緻化
作為社交基礎的語言
較高形式的社交
完美的社交傢
婦女的地位
傢政
節慶
第六篇 道德與信仰
注釋
書目信息
索引
精彩書摘
Oddi were forced to abandon Perugia, and the city became a beleaguered fortress under the absolute despotism of the Baglioni, who used even the cathedral as barracks. Plots and surprises were met with cruel vengeance; in the year 1491, after 130 conspirators, who had forced their way into the city, were killed and hung up at the Palazzo Comunale, thirty-five altars were erected in the square, and for three days mass was performed and processions held, to take away the curse which rested on the spot. A nephew of Innocent VIII was in open day run through in the street. A nephew of Alexander VI, who was sent to smooth matters over, was dismissed with public contempt. All the while the two leaders of the ruling house, Guido and Ridolfo, were holding frequent interviews with Suor Colomba of Rieti, a Dominican nun of saintly reputation and miraculous powers, who under penalty of some great disaster ordered them to make peace-naturally in vain. Nevertheless the chronicle takes the opportunity to point out the devotion and piety of the better men in Perugia during this reign of terror. When in 1494 Charles VIII approached, the Baglioni from Perugia and the exiles encamped in and near Assisi conducted the war with such ferocity, that every house in the valley was levelled to the ground. The fields lay untilled, the peasants were turned into plundering and murdering savages, the fresh-grown bushes were filled with stags and wolves, and the beasts grew fat on the bodies of the slain, on so-called ‘Christian flesh.'When Alexander VI withdrew (1495) into Umbria before Charles VIII, then returning from Naples, it occurred to him, when at Perugia, that he might now rid himself of the Baglioni once for all; he proposed to Guido a festival or tournament, or something else of the same kind, which would bring the whole family together. Guido, however, was of opinion, ‘that the most impressive spectacle of all would be to see the whole military force of Perugia collected in a body,' whereupon the Pope abandoned his project. Soon after, the exiles made another attack, in which nothing but the personal heroism of the Baglioni won them the victory. It was then that Simonetto Baglione, a lad of scarcely eighteen, fought in the square with a handful of followers against hundreds of the enemy: he fell at last with more than twenty wounds, but recovered himself when Astorre Baglione came to his help, and mounting on horseback in gilded armour with a falcon on his helmet, ‘like Mars in bearing and in deeds, plunged into the struggle.'
At that time Raphael, a boy of twelve years of age, was at school under Pietro Perugino. The impressions of these days are perhaps immortalized in the small, early pictures of St. Michael and St. George: something of them, it may be, lives eternally in the great painting of St. Michael: and if Astorre Baglione has anywhere found his apotheosis, it is in the figure of the heavenly horseman in the Heliodorus.
The opponents of the Baglioni were partly destroyed, partly scattered in terror, and were henceforth incapable of another enterprise of the kind. After a time a partial reconciliation took place, and some of the exiles were allowed to return. But Perugia became- none the safer or more tranquil: the inward discord of the ruling family broke out in frightful excesses. An opposition was formed against Guido and Ridolfo and their sons Gianpaolo, Simonetto, Astorre, Gismondo, Gentile, Marcantonio and others, by two great-nephews, Grifone and Carlo Barciglia; the latter of the two was also nephew of Varano, Prince of Camerino, and brother-in-law of one of the former exiles, Ieronimo della Penna. In vain did Simonetto, warned by sinister presentiment, entreat his uncle on his knees to allow him to put Penna to death: Guido refused. The plot ripened suddenly on the occasion of the marriage of Astorre with Lavinia Colonna, at Midsummer 1500. The festival began and lasted several days amid gloomy forebodings, whose
deepening effect is admirably described by Matarazzo. Varano fed and encouraged them with devilish ingenuity: he worked upon Grifone by the prospect of undivided authority, and by stories of an imaginary intrigue of his wife Zenobia with Gianpaolo. Finally each conspirator was provided with a victim. (The Baglioni lived all of them in separate houses, mostly on the site of the present castle.) Each received fifteen of the bravos at hand; the remainder were set on the watch. In the night of July 15 the doors were forced, and Guido, Astorre, Simonetto, and Gismondo were murdered; the others succeeded in escaping.
As the corpse of Astorre lay by that of Simonetto in the street, the spectators, ‘and especially the foreign students,' compared him to an ancient Roman, so great and imposing did he seem. In the features of Simonetto could still be traced the audacity and defiance which death itself had not tamed. The victors went round among the friends of the family, and did their best to recommend themselves; they found all in tears and preparing to leave for the country. Meantime the escaped Baglioni collected forces without the city, and on the following day forced their way in, Gianpaolo at their head, and speedily found adherents among others whom Barciglia had been threatening with death. When Grifone fell into their hands near Sant'Ercolano, Gianpaolo handed him over for execution to his followers. Barciglia and Penna fled to Varano, the chief author of the tragedy, at Camerino; and in a moment, almost without loss, Gianpaolo became master of the city.
……
前言/序言
跨越時空的對話:中世紀晚期歐洲的信仰、知識與社會變革 本書將讀者帶入一個劇烈轉型與深刻反思的時代——中世紀晚期(約13世紀末至15世紀末)的歐洲。 在這個時期,古老的製度開始動搖,新的思想萌芽破土而齣,為即將到來的文藝復興和現代世界的奠基鋪平瞭道路。本書聚焦於宗教生活的演變、學術思想的重塑、以及社會結構的復雜張力,旨在描繪一幅復雜而多維的曆史圖景。 第一部分:信仰的重塑與教會的危機 (The Transformation of Piety and the Church Crisis) 中世紀晚期,基督教信仰依然是歐洲社會的核心支柱,但其運作方式和民眾體驗正經曆深刻的變化。教會,這個龐大的跨國機構,正麵臨前所未有的閤法性危機。 一、教權的衰落與大分裂 (The Decline of Papal Authority and the Great Schism) 本書細緻考察瞭教皇權力的巔峰是如何在與世俗君主的權力鬥爭中逐漸削弱的。從阿維尼翁之囚(Avignon Papacy)到隨後近四十年的東西方大分裂(Western Schism),教皇職位的多元化和由此引發的對教會統一性的質疑,極大地動搖瞭信徒對教廷的絕對信任。我們分析瞭要求教會改革的運動,如約翰·威剋裏夫(John Wycliffe)在英格蘭的運動,以及揚·鬍斯(Jan Hus)在波西米亞的布道,這些運動不僅是神學上的爭論,更是對既有權力結構的挑戰。 二、私人虔誠的興起 (The Rise of Private Devotion) 麵對宏大、儀式化的公共教會的疏離感,普通信徒開始轉嚮更個人化、更直接的信仰實踐。本書深入探討瞭“新虔誠運動”(Devotio Moderna)的興起,特彆是其核心文本《效法基督》(De Imitatione Christi)所倡導的內省、默想和道德完善。這種從外部儀式轉嚮內在精神體驗的轉變,培養瞭一代更注重個人良知和直接與神溝通的信徒,間接為後來的宗教改革埋下瞭伏筆。同時,聖物崇拜、朝聖熱潮的持續發展,以及對末世論和“死亡藝術”(Ars Moriendi)的日益關注,構成瞭當時普通人麵對不確定世界時的精神慰藉。 第二部分:知識的邊界拓展與學術的演進 (Expanding Horizons of Knowledge and Academic Evolution) 盡管教會在一定程度上控製著知識的傳播,但中世紀晚期見證瞭知識體係的持續發展和新思維的齣現。 一、經院哲學的轉型與局限 (The Transformation and Limits of Scholasticism) 托馬斯·阿奎那(Thomas Aquinas)的綜閤體係依然是大學教育的基礎,但隨著時間的推移,經院哲學內部齣現瞭重要的分化。本書重點討論瞭“晚期經院哲學”(Late Scholasticism),特彆是奧卡姆的威廉(William of Ockham)的“唯名論”(Nominalism)對形而上學和普遍性概念的衝擊。唯名論強調個彆事物和經驗的重要性,這在某種程度上削弱瞭對理性思辨的過度依賴,為後來的經驗主義思想鬆動瞭束縛。 二、大學的地域化與專業化 (Regionalization and Professionalization of Universities) 大學,如巴黎、牛津、博洛尼亞等,不再僅僅是神學辯論的場所,它們開始展現齣更強的地域性和職業導嚮性。醫學、法律(尤其是教會法和民法)專業的興起,培養瞭大量服務於世俗君主和新興官僚階層的專業人纔。這種專業人纔的增加,為中央集權國傢行政體係的成熟提供瞭智力基礎。 三、自然觀察的萌芽 (The Seeds of Natural Observation) 雖然係統性的科學革命尚未到來,但我們觀察到對自然世界的興趣在知識分子中悄然增長。本書分析瞭早期對天文學、數學和工程學的興趣,這些興趣往往服務於導航、軍事或建築目的,但它們促使學者們開始更細緻地記錄和測量自然現象,而非完全依賴亞裏士多德的既有解釋。 第三部分:社會結構的張力與世俗權力的強化 (Social Tensions and the Strengthening of Secular Power) 黑死病(The Black Death)的巨大衝擊重塑瞭歐洲的人口結構、經濟關係和政治權力平衡。 一、瘟疫的深遠影響 (The Profound Impact of the Plague) 本書詳細分析瞭14世紀中葉黑死病對社會經濟結構的顛覆性影響。勞動力的稀缺導緻農奴製度的瓦解加速,農民和城市工匠的議價能力提升,引發瞭諸如英國的瓦特·泰勒起義(Peasants' Revolt of 1381)等一係列社會動蕩。這些起義暴露瞭貴族與平民之間日益擴大的經濟鴻溝和政治訴求。 二、世俗王權的崛起與國傢觀念的形成 (The Rise of Secular Sovereignty and the Formation of Statehood) 在教會權威受損、封建領主衰落的背景下,君主權力得到瞭空前的加強。本書探討瞭英法“百年戰爭”(Hundred Years' War)期間,君主如何利用民族情感、建立常備軍和發展更有效的稅收體係來鞏固國傢權力。這種對地域內最高主權的追求,標誌著現代國傢概念的初步萌芽,它開始挑戰普世性的神聖羅馬帝國和教皇的權威。 三、城市的發展與市民階層的興起 (Urban Growth and the Emergence of the Bourgeoisie) 意大利北部和佛蘭德斯等地的城市,作為貿易和金融中心,孕育瞭一個富裕且具有政治影響力的市民階層。這些商人、銀行傢和行會大師,擁有新的財富,開始尋求與其經濟地位相匹配的社會尊重和政治發言權。他們在資助公共工程、藝術贊助以及地方治理中的作用,預示著一個以財富和個人能力為衡量標準的新社會秩序的到來。 結論:一個過渡時代的遺産 中世紀晚期並非一個停滯的時代,而是一個充滿矛盾、衝突與巨大潛能的過渡期。它既繼承瞭中世紀的信仰深度和製度結構,又在瘟疫的洗禮、教會的分裂和君權的強化中,為文藝復興時期的人文主義精神和早期現代社會的誕生,提供瞭必要的曆史土壤和思想空間。本書通過對信仰、知識和權力結構的細緻考察,旨在揭示這一關鍵曆史斷代是如何為歐洲未來的思想和政治走嚮奠定基礎的。