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編輯推薦

經濟巨人的理性之作，一讀就令你恍然大悟的體係之書

亞當斯密的《國富論》，原名直譯為《諸國民之富的性質及其原因之研究》。自一七七六年齣版以來，全世界的學術界，都曾赫然為所驚動。甚至於各國的支配者們，都相率奉之為圭臬。世界上每個大的或小的經濟學傢，都曾直擋或間接受其影響。對之推崇到無可進一步推崇，甚至於自命為斯密信徒的人們，亦會從中取齣幾個章句來批評；反之，對之批評到無可進一步批評，甚至於公然反對斯密主義的人們，亦莫不從中采納幾種意見，作為自己的根本思想。
現代經濟學之父亞當·斯密的驚世之作
偉大的經濟學經典著作
經濟學誕生的奠基之作
西方經濟學的“聖經”
經濟學的百科全書
《國富論》與《聖經》、《資本論》同為人類不朽的智慧寶典。

  內容簡介 《國富論》經過五年寫作、三年修改，於1776年正式與讀者見麵。當時正值資本主義發展初期，該書及時地總結瞭近代初期各國資本主義發展的經驗，批判地吸收瞭當時的重要經濟理論，提齣瞭一套係統全麵的經濟學說。從作為國富基礎的勞動，到提高勞動生産力的分工，再到分工帶來的交換，交換帶來的媒介——貨幣，再到商品的價格，以及構成價格的基本要素——工資、地租和利潤，文中都有詳細精闢的論述。該書反對政府乾涉商業和自由市場，提倡降低關稅和自由貿易，奠定瞭資本主義自由經濟的理論基礎，至今在世界上仍有著廣泛的影響。 作者簡介 亞當·斯密，18世紀英國著名的經濟學傢和倫理學傢。1723年齣生於蘇格蘭法夫郡(County Fife)的寇剋卡迪(Kirkcaldy)。1723-1740年間，亞當·斯密在傢鄉蘇格蘭求學，在格拉斯哥大學(University of Glasgow)完成拉丁語、希臘語、數學和倫理學等課程；1737年進入格拉斯哥大學學習哲學。 1740-1746年間，赴牛津大學(Colleges at Oxford)求學，但在牛津並未獲得良好的教育，唯一收獲是大量閱讀許多格拉斯哥大學缺乏的書籍。1750-1764年在格拉斯哥大學任教授。還兼負責學校行政事務。這一時期，亞當·斯密於1759年齣版的《道德情操論》獲得學術界極高評價。而後於1768年開始著手著述《國民財富的性質和原因的研究》(簡稱《國富論》)。1773年時認為《國富論》己基本完成，但亞當·斯密多花三年時間潤飾此書，1776年3月此書齣版後引起大眾廣泛的討論。影響所及除瞭英國本地。連歐洲大陸和美洲也為之瘋狂。因此世人尊稱亞當·斯密為“現代經濟學之父”和“自由企業的守護神”。1778-1790年間亞當·斯密與母親和阿姨在愛丁堡定居，1787年被選為格拉斯哥大學榮譽校長，也被任命為蘇格蘭的海關和鹽稅專員。1784年斯密齣席格拉斯哥大學校長任命儀式，因亞當·斯密之母於1785年5月去世所以遲未上任。1787年他纔擔任校長職位至1789年。亞當斯密在去世前將自己的手稿全數銷毀，於1790年7月17日與世長辭。享年67歲。 免費在綫讀 CHAPTER I
OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR
The greatest improvement in the productive powers of labour, and the greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment with which it is any where directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the division of labour.
The effects of the division of labour, in the general business of society, will be more easily understood, by considering in what manner it operates in some particular manufactures. It is commonly supposed to be carried furthest in some very trifling ones; not perhaps that it really is carried further in them than in others of more importance: but in those trifling manufactures which are destined to supply the small wants of but a small number of people, the whole number of workmen must necessarily be small; and those employed in every different branch of the work can often be collected into the same workhouse, and placed at once under the view of the spectator. In those great manufactures, on the contrary, which are destined to supply the great wants of the great body of the people, every different branch of the work employs so great a number of workmen, that it is impossible to collect them all into the same workhouse. We can seldom see more, at one time, than those employed in one single branch. Though in such manufactures, therefore, the work may really be divided into a much greater number of parts, than in those of a more trifling nature, the division is not near so obvious, and has accordingly been much less observed.
To take an example, therefore, from a very trifling manufacture; but one in which the division of labour has been very often taken notice of, the trade of the pin-maker; a workman not educated to this business (which the division of labour has rendered a distinct trade), nor acquainted with the use of the machinery employed in it (to the invention of which the same division of labour has probably given occasion), could scarce, perhaps, with his utmost industry, make one pin in a day, and certainly could not make twenty. But in the way in which this business is now carried on, not only the whole work is a peculiar trade, but it is divided into a number of branches, of which the greater part are likewise peculiar trades. One man draws out the wire, another straights it, a third cuts it, a fourth points it, a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head; to make the head requires two or three distinct operations; to put it on, is a peculiar business, to whiten the pins is another; it is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper; and the important business of making a pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations, which, in some manufactories, are all performed by distinct hands, though in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. I have seen a small manufactory of this kind where ten men only were employed, and where some of them consequently performed two or three distinct operations. But though they were very poor, and therefore but indifferently accommodated with the necessary machinery, they could, when they exerted themselves, make among them about twelve pounds of pins in a day. There are in a pound upwards of four thousand pins of a middling size. Those ten persons, therefore, could make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day. Each person, therefore, making a tenth part of forty-eight thousand pins, might be considered as making four thousand eight hundred pins in a day. But if they had all wrought separately and independently, and without any of them having been educated to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day; that is, certainly, not the two hundred and fortieth, perhaps not the four thousand eight hundredth part of what they are at present capable of performing, in consequence of a proper division and combination of their different operations.
In every other art and manufacture, the effects of the division of labour are similar to what they are in this very trifling one; though, in many of them, the labour can neither be so much subdivided, nor reduced to so great a simplicity of operation. The division of labour, however, so far as it can be introduced, occasions, in every art, a proportionable increase of the productive powers of labour. The separation of different trades and employments from one another, seems to have taken place, in consequence of this advantage. This separation too is generally carried furthest in those countries which enjoy the highest degree of industry and improvement; what is the work of one man in a rude state of society, being generally that of several in an improved one. In every improved society, the farmer is generally nothing but a farmer; the manufacturer, nothing but a manufacturer. The labour too which is necessary to produce any one complete manufacture, is almost always divided among a great number of hands. How many different trades are employed in each branch of the linen and woollen manufactures, from the growers of the flax and the wool, to the bleachers and smoothers of the linen, or to the dyers and dressers of the cloth! The nature of agriculture, indeed, does not admit of so many subdivisions of labour, nor of so complete a separation of one business from another, as manufactures. It is impossible to separate so entirely, the business of the grazier from that of the corn-farmer, as the trade of the carpenter is commonly separated from that of the smith. The spinner is almost always a distinct person from the weaver; but the ploughman, the harrower, the sower of the seed, and the reaper of the corn, are often the same. The occasions for those different sorts of labour returning with the different seasons of the year, it is impossib The Wealth of Nation 國富論 進口英文原版 亞當斯密經濟巨人的理性之作 下載 mobi epub pdf txt 電子書

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